The following is an excerpt from the book, “Bali, 50 Years of Changes” by author Eric Buvelot together with socio-ethnologist and renowned Bali expert Jean Couteau. The book is the result of 20 hours of discussion about changes that have happened in Bali since the 70’s.
The conversation was structured and segmented according to many different aspects of Balinese life, mostly from a socio-historical perspective, to trace all the overturning in Balinese mores in the last 50 years, when modernity started to shape new behaviours.
At the core of these changes is the birth of individuality in a communal society and the revolution it implies. The resulting changes have been more significant in 50 years than the ones that happened during the previous millennium. In this month of “Tujuh Belas Agustus” (17 August, Independence Day), Jean and Eric look at how nationalism has evolved both in Indonesia and the significance of this notion in the Balinese psyche.
E B: Who represents the Indonesian “other” in Bali? Is it just any non-Balinese with a national ID card?
J C: Basically the “other” of today is the poor Moslem
man. Why the poor? Because the rich and educated Moslem visitors usually don’t
display their religious identity. They are just vacationing and they stay in
high star hotels just like ordinary tourists… Yet, regarding “otherness”, it is
only relatively recently that it has found itself accentuated, through a recent
emphasis on religious identity. To which, it must be underlined, many
Indonesians remain opposed to this day.
E B: How do Balinese view themselves in the Indonesian republic?
J C: They have no problems with their Indonesian-ness
as long as the country remains legally semi-secular. As long as Islam is not
made the religion of the state. It must also be added that the Balinese have
integrated all the more easily the values of the Indonesian republic that
Sukarno, the first Indonesian president, was Balinese through his mother. It is
the same Sukarno who granted official recognition to Balinese Hinduism in 1958.
An important socio-cultural fact of these days must also be underlined
regarding Bali as well as Java, the two strongholds of Sukarnoism. People then
did not define themselves in ethnic and religious terms. They were Indonesians,
full stop, and their main concern was to face poverty rather than to obtain
recognition of their difference. The Indonesian brand of humanism, which
emphasised in the other the common points rather than the differences,
functioned very well.
E B: What has been the evolution in Bali since those days?
J C: Indonesia first witnessed the surge of communism
and its harsh repression in 1965-66. What did the post-Sukarno military
government do to fight the communist ideology? It emphasised tradition and
developed the teaching of religion. From that time onward, not only did
religious teaching become a priority, but it increasingly consisted of
restructuring religion around a literalist interpretation. The reform
restructured belief into a half import from India, and half conceptualising on
the basis of Balinese tradition, novel principles that are little-by-little
taking root into daily religious practice. The animism and ancestors ‘cult’
background thus was made to shrink, as Bali became increasingly monotheist.
What has been put to the fore in official prayers is Sang Hyang Widhi and his
“manifestations”, thus linking the past pantheistic/polytheistic tradition and
the monotheism made compulsory by the Indonesian state! It is Indonesian
education that has inadvertently generated this transformation. More and more
people are now making a literal interpretation of religious texts. Thus what
was originally a political instrument to fight left radicalism and its dreams
of absolute social justice has become with time an instrument of religious
crystallisation.
E B: Is it related to nationalism, considering that the left is traditionally internationalist?
J C: No, it is more complex. Traditionally, in
Indonesia at least, it is the left that is nationalist. Yet, regarding religion
in Bali, as it was crystallising into a structured system of belief, there is
little doubt that it was used, from the 1980s onward, as a weapon to resist
large-scale non-Balinese investments in tourism. This is to link to the feeling
of economic alienation sometimes felt in some Balinese circles, and to the
concomitant ethno-demographic transformations of the island. All this has
impacted the feeling of identity of the Balinese.
E B: Are there signs of ethnic or religious discriminations in Bali?
J C: It depends what you mean by these words. With an increasing number of foreign residents and of in-migrants from Java and other islands, we are indeed witnessing the appearance of spaces that are ethnically homogenous. Separation ensues. The status of the land enables this kind of thing. Previously land was mostly village property. Now it is fully individually-owned, which enables new types of social groupings. Tourism too is generating its own discriminations. There are Western-owned clubs that are de-facto closed to outsiders, hence to Balinese. Non-Balinese foreign communities also tend to isolate themselves, sticking to their own cultural and behavioural norms, and supported in the matter by hand phones, the Internet and foreign language television, that continuously feed their alienness. Ironically, Westerners who accuse Asian and Moslem communities of keeping apart in Europe are doing the very same here in Bali. They create ‘homogenous’ Western enclaves.
E B: One has sometimes the impression that some areas of the urbanised South of the island are not Balinese, at least in matters of religion.
J C: Yes, education accentuates the negative, taboos
and dress codes are becoming markers of identity. This is unmistakable. It has
unwitting consequences, as once put forward to me by a young sociologist of
Udayana University, who referred for conceptual cover to the famous French
sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. “To a Balinese, having a Moslem neighbor is not a
problem,” he commented. “When he has two or three, it is still okay, but when
it comes to eight or ten, he moves elsewhere, because he feels he has lost his
‘cultural capital’”… Yes, the accumulation of signs of religious identity,
followed by the uttering of taboos is what leads, in Bali like in many other
societies, to the constitution of ethno-religious ghettos.
E B: Is it a dangerous evolution?
J C: Not really. The fact that Indonesia is a
multicultural society is well entrenched in society, and accepted by all the
elites of the country. It is a strange situation, in which the elites mix with
one another, distribute power , on a pro rata basis in all the institutions of
the state, but in which ethno-religious groups, at the ordinary people level,
live different and often separated lives. This system is supported by the
ideology of the state, the Pancasila, that enshrines “belief” in God as the basic
principle of the state, beside more ordinary principles like nationalism,
social justice, political representativeness and humanism… Why does it work:
because in their daily life, Indonesians always choose to emphasise what they
share rather than what divides them.
E B: What place does Bali hold within the fold of the Indonesian nation?
J C: To many Indonesians, Bali is the window of
Indonesia to the international world. They are proud of it. For a number of
Javanese, Bali is also what they feel Java should still be.
E B: What about the economic importance of Bali at the national level?
J C: The Balinese complain, because they feel they
don’t get the proper share of the incomes, as a too big a share of the tourism
industry is into non-Balinese hands… But it gives them a lot of prestige, for
sure.
E B: In terms of image, the Balinese are indeed on the winning side!
J C: It may be upsetting too. Many Indonesians
complain that all foreigners have heard of the beauty of Bali, and few of
Indonesia. Quite a few even think that Bali is an independent country.
E B: Are you telling me that there is separatism in Bali?
J C: No. Many Westerners are simply ignorant. They
think that Indonesia is a Moslem state, whereas it has its own brand of
secularism. Of course, in 1998 there, there was a short-lived demand for a
referendum on independence, accompanied by huge demonstrations. Why? Because, a
potential presidential candidate had said that no Hindu may ever become
president of the country. This occurred after articles in the press on
Megawati, the daughter of Sukarno and future president, praying in a Balinese
temple. But he was quickly disowned by the whole political class, including
Moslem politicians. He was accused of trampling the principles of the state,
the Pancasila, and thus, of betraying the ideals of Indonesian nationalism.
Since, the issue has totally disappeared. Yes, I insist, Indonesia is a
multicultural construction with religion as its core – but not only Islam. Is
it a strong construction? It seems to me to be strong, because of its
flexibility.
E B: Can we say that Indonesia is a Javanese construction?
J C: Its demography and its ambiance are indeed most
often Javanese, but here too, we are in the vague, and it is all the better. In
truth, can we say that Indonesia is Javanese when the national language is that
of a highly Islamised Malay Straits, and when Javanese literature, with its
strong Hindu-Buddhist features, is not even taught in most secondary schools?
E B: So, how do you define the role of Bali in the Indonesian archipelago?
J C: It plays a key role. It is Bali, as a Hindu
island, that truly defines Indonesia as a multicultural country. Bali
symbolises Indonesian pluralism. It enables Indonesians to say, like many
people do: we are not a Moslem country.
E B: What kind of issue may arise between Balinese traditional villager and Moslems?
J C: Tensions may occur because traditions differ. But
it is rare, and very rarely gets out of control. The traditional
Muslim-Balinese have been here for centuries and are just like ordinary
Balinese. They are perfectly integrated within Balinese life: they speak
Balinese, often allow their daughters to marry ordinary Balinese and even have
their own role and place in royal rituals.
E B: So, can we say today that Balinese society sees itself as a whole?
J C: Yes, when it considers itself in relation to
outsiders, but not in relation to the other Balinese.
E B: What is your conclusion?
J C: That the Balinese are one of the pillars of the
Indonesian state, because this state is multi-cultural and enables them to be
Hindu in Jakarta as well as in Bali, among the military as well as in
universities. Religious crystallisation is just a historical wave that will
pass with time, leaving Indonesia intact.
Find out more about “Bali, 50 Years of Changes” by author Eric Buvelot, with Jean Couteau.
